The Special Court for Sierra Leone
In September the Swiss Initiative on Private Military and Security Companies and the International Committee of the Red Cross published the The Montreux Document on Private Military and Security Companies PDF , described by David Isenberg:
The document, while not legally binding, recalls existing obligations regarding private security companies during armed conflict and identifies good practices to assist states in ensuring respect for international humanitarian law and applicable human rights law, and in otherwise promoting responsible conduct in their relationships with private security companies during armed conflict.
The document was signed by Afghanistan, Angola, Australia, Austria, Britain, Canada, China, France, Germany, Iraq, Poland, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sweden, Switzerland, Ukraine and the United States. The signatories represent an interesting mix of past and present experience with private contractors. Afghanistan and Iraq are obvious choices, by dint of the enormous presence of contractors in those countries.
The United States and Britain, which are the world’s largest users of contractors presently, and the countries where the vast majority of private security contractors are headquartered, also must be included.
Finally, Angola, Sierra Leone and South Africa were all countries that had to deal with the now defunct Executive Outcomes, the mother of all security contractors. EO, based in South Africa, had fought in the civil wars in Angola and Sierra Leone. As a consequence, both South Africa and Sierra Leone had passed some of the most detailed legislation anywhere in the world on how to regulate private security contractors.
The document is divided into two sections. The first highlights existing international laws with which such companies should comply. The bottom line is that under existing international law, states cannot circumvent their obligations by using private military contractors. They have to take appropriate measures to prevent any violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law and to provide the necessary remedies for the suppression of such violations. They are directly responsible for the conduct of contractors if these enterprises act in a governmental capacity.
The second lists some 70 “good practices” for assisting countries in fulfilling their legal obligations. These include: avoiding the use of contractors for activities that clearly require the use of force; states must assure the good reputation of companies they send abroad, and they are encouraged to create a system of control, surveillance and sanctions in case of breaches; companies should be regulated and licensed; and the personnel from these companies, among other things, must be trained in the rules of international humanitarian law.
To its credit, the IPOA, the PMSCs trade and lobbying association welcomes the document. I am not the biggest admirer of the IPOA, but to their credit, they have supported accountability to a much greater extent than the Bush Cheney administration has done. The Bush Cheney administration employ PMSCs precisely in order to circumvent the law and avoid accountability. It is their way of deregulating the military, just as the Republicans have done to the banks.
The big drawback to the document is that it is not legally binding, but it articulates important points that need to be considered when states employ PMSCs. It recommends the same principles for private entities and corporations that employ PMSCs, but does not really get into much depth or detail regarding private employers, other than recommending they follow the same practices.
The Montreux Document on Private Military and Security Companies PDF does a particulary good job of defining PMSCs, and the role of states in relation to PMSCs. It divides involved states into contracting states, territorial states, and home states as follows:
That for the purposes of this document:
a) “PMSCs” are private business entities that provide military and/or security services, irrespective of how they describe themselves. Military and security services include, in particular, armed guarding and protection of persons and objects, such as convoys, buildings and other places; maintenance and operation of weapons systems; prisoner detention; and advice to or training of local forces and security personnel.
b) “Personnel of a PMSC” are persons employed by, through direct hire or under a contract with, a PMSC, including its employees and managers.
c) “Contracting States” are States that directly contract for the services of PMSCs, including, as appropriate, where such a PMSC subcontracts with another PMSC.
d) “Territorial States” are States on whose territory PMSCs operate.
e) “Home States” are States of nationality of a PMSC, i.e. where a PMSC is registered or incorporated; if the State where the PMSC is incorporated is not the one where it has its principal place of management, then the State where the PMSC has its principal place of management is the “Home State”.
The document includes the subcontractors as part of the contractual obligations of the states involved and the PMSCs.
Following are the first four of the understandings that guided this document:
1. That certain well-established rules of international law apply to States in their relations with private military and security companies (PMSCs) and their operation during armed conflict, in particular under international humanitarian law and human rights law;
2. That this document recalls existing legal obligations of States and PMSCs and their personnel (Part One), and provides States with good practices to promote compliance with international humanitarian law and human rights law during armed conflict (Part Two);
3. That this document is not a legally binding instrument and does not affect existing obligations of States under customary international law or under international agreements to which they are parties, in particular their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations (especially its articles 2(4) and 51);
4. That this document should therefore not be interpreted as limiting, prejudicing or enhancing in any manner existing obligations under international law, or as creating or developing new obligations under international law;
The first two understandings state that there is already applicable international law regarding the employment and conduct of PMSCs. The second two understandings make it clear that this document is nonbinding, and does not create any new obligations under international law.
On the plus side, the accountability described in the document is supposed to come from the three categories of states involved in the contracting process, and is not dependent on international law except in its guiding principles.
The gigantic problem that is not mentioned is how do you enforce either the guidelines or the law. We have seen in Iraq, even in circumstances when there have been serious and visible violations of applicable law, even under the jurisdiction of military justice, bringing perpetrators to justice, collecting and preserving evidence, and finding witnesses is close to impossible. So until there is law that is binding, and has both reach and teeth, accountability will be elusive and PMSCs will be outside the law. We hope that the Montreux Document will begin to bring some influence and pressure between states to move in the direction of accountability.

October 13, 2008 at 5:14 pm
A good perspective – I appreciate your interest in the topic.
Ultimately any sort of justice and accountability in weak or failed states (i.e. conflict and post conflict environments) is fraught with difficulty – as anyone who follows issues of accountability with the UN peacekeepers (and even NGOs) are well aware. Private companies are essential to the success of peace and stability operations, but they can and should be held to a higher standard – we taxpayers are paying their contracts after all. Obviously it will never be as fair and comprehensive as justice in peaceful societies with well-established legal systems, but there is much that can be done to improve the way accountability of contractors is handled. We’ve long advocated for clarification of laws and greater transparency in the process – specifically of the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act (MEJA) which is the main U.S. law applying to contingency contractors. Vast improvements that IPOA has supported are pending in Congress (they’ve been passed by the House, and will likely pass the Senate after the election).
IPOA helps address accountability issues with industry self-regulation that *supplements* (but cannot replace!) governmental laws and regulation. Further, our Code of Conduct is designed to allow *anyone* to file a complaint against our members based on our Code of Conduct (see IPOA’s home page under standards and ethics).
We are certainly open to ways we can improve this aspect of private sector operations, and as I’m sure you know, we always welcome outside expertise from human rights organizations, NGOs and government as we improve our Code of Conduct and enforcement mechanisms. Indeed, we just had our Code of Conduct Convention (with many people from outside the industry participating) and will be coming out with an improved version of the Code by the end of the year.
Regards,
Doug Brooks
President, IPOA
October 15, 2008 at 7:28 pm
Fair points, hopefully I can address them to your satisfaction.
If you’re going to have military commands, it makes sense to have a military person in charge (if you want to argue there shouldn’t be military commands at all, well, that’s a whole different discussion that perhaps belongs somewhere else). AFRICOM is unique and significant, as I pointed out, in that the #2 in command is a diplomat from State Department. That has never been done before and it is in direct response to exactly your concerns. I suppose you can argue that the head of the command should be the State Department person, but I do think that would make little practical sense and by blurring their independence from the military it would undermine the diplomatic role the Ambassadors play.
African politics are remarkably complex (though lots of folks who know better argue otherwise for some reason). The main opposition to AFRICOM comes primarily from the two hegemons of Africa, Nigeria and South Africa (and they both have numerous military ties, cooperations and agreements with the U.S. military anyway). Far less opposition comes from the smaller countries, and at least seven countries had offered to host AFRICOM (as of February 2008), although only tiny Liberia risked the ire of the hegemons to publically state their interest.
It goes without saying that the key AFRICOM security issues are ones that are most important the United States, but of course there is a great deal of mutual concerns in Africa. The piracy off the coast of Somalia, for example, impacts on Africa as much as anyone, and it is a clear symptom of continental instability and weak and failed which all African nations – and the United States – would like to better address. And before 9-11 there were the terrorist attacks on the embassies in Kenya and Tanzania – what could possibly be of more mutual concern? And finally, there is the issue of peacekeeping on the continent. As I’ve said, the West has shamefully abandoned their responsibilities to support international peacekeeping in places that ain’t in their direct national interest. Professionalizing African militaries to be able to do peacekeeping themselves, at the AU’s own initiative – and not be so dependent on the West – gives the continent greater independence and control over their own destiny.
The arguments against AFRICOM get pretty convoluted, but hopefully your readers will look beyond the hype to what is best for the continent.
Best regards,
doug
October 15, 2008 at 7:45 pm
oops, obviously my last post was supposed to answer a query at a different web site. That’s the price of a single-brain-cell like me trying to multi task!
doug
October 17, 2008 at 12:32 am
press release: General Ward, Commander of AFRICOM, to Speak at IPOA Annual Summit
The International Peace Operations Association Annual Summit, the premiere event of the private peace and stability operations industry, takes place on October 26-28 in Washington, D.C.
This internationally recognized conference with the theme “Engaging AFRICOM: The AU, UN and the Future of the Continent,” will offer insightful discussion from some of the world’s leading experts in global peace and stability operations.
Headlining the event will be AFRICOM Commander General Ward. Also speaking will be former Chief of Staff, United States Army, General Shoomaker who replaces General Zinni on the agenda. Also speaking will be Maj. Gen. Patrick Cammaert, formerly the United Nations Force Commander for the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo; Lt. Col. John A. Nagl (Ret.), Senior Fellow, Center for a New American Security; Soraya Narfeldt, Chairwoman, RA International; and Charles Snyder, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, Int’l Narcotics and Law Enforcement.
In addition to these experts, representatives from international organizations, NGOs, governments and IPOA’s 50+ member companies, representing the full capabilities of the private sector, will be part of the discussion.
…
Event sponsors include Dyncorp International, RA International, Reed Inc., Agility, Ecolog International Service Solutions, EODT, MPRI International, Overseas Lease Group, Tangiers International, Terraconcepts, Triple Canopy, and Whitney, Bradley and Brown Inc.
privateers hankering to secure a piece of “peace & stability ops” pie…
October 20, 2008 at 1:08 am
Thanks for the free publicity!
And yes, the private sector does have a chunk of the ‘peace and stability operations pie’.
Indeed, peacekeeping wouldn’t happen at all without the private sector. The West has largely abandoned peace operations in places the West doesn’t care much about (usually the humanitarian operations), leaving the most difficult and important missions to militaries from developing nations – usually with less support and less training than Western militaries.
It is the private sector that fills the gaps. Thus, every base in Darfur is built, run and supplied by the private sector. The AU helicopters there were private too – though the UN refuses to use private helicopters undermining the very mission they’re supposed to fix.
Seems to me if the private sector can support international peacekeeping efforts and do so ‘faster-cheaper-better’ then that can only be a good thing.
Best,
doug brooks
president, IPOA
October 20, 2008 at 11:12 am
heh. specious arguments, doug
“peacekeeping wouldn’t happen at all without the private sector”
& your example is lockheed/PAE & friends over feeding at the (no-bid) ‘peacekeeping’ trough while helping to fuel the conflict in darfur & giving plausible denial to the USG/CIA? not funny. no surprise, though, from a self-described “single-brain-cell” apologist/enabler for mercs under the pretense of for-profit ‘peacekeeping’ & ‘humanitarian’ ops.
from the latter link,
wondering what role advisors or western equip played in JEM’s kidnapping of the chinese workers over the w/e…
October 21, 2008 at 12:15 am
Hmm, your tinfoil hat may be a bit too tight.
“wondering what role advisors or western equip played in JEM’s kidnapping of the chinese workers”
Yeah, that’s what *they* WANT you to think.
Honestly, the government ain’t that good and it ain’t that bad. The U.S. government, like all governments is a uncoordinated and goofy as the best of them – even the intel folks. No one thinks that far ahead, which is why Congress finds it easier to cough up $500m to fix conflicts that could have been prevented with $5m peacebuilding programs.
As I like to say, never attribute to malice what can be easily explained by incompetence.
Best regards,
doug
with Brain Cell on overdrive!
October 21, 2008 at 11:53 am
daily nation: Darfur rebels to get US aid, says news agency
east african: Africa rallies behind besieged Sudan president
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Stockholm International Peace Research Institute:
there’s a well-known history of the u.s. supplying the SPLA via uganda, eritrea & ethiopia (& kenya? chad?) during the previous civil war
even the history texts bring it up – for instance, from harold marcus’ a history of ethiopia,
- – -
the pretext of SSR & PKO, which is mainly an exercise for the PR face, only hides the true strategic intrigues – it’s how the game is played
an increasing reliance on private mercenary armies — rather than signaling any ‘abandonment’ by western govts (ha ha) — signifies the shift to a model that mergers govt & business w/ the core advantage being that the latter are less susceptible to any meaningful oversight. this is not some natural progression of things modern, nor a state of affairs arrived at through well-intentioned though incompetent actors stumbling beyond their areas of expertise or comprehension – rather, as shorrock made clear in his book on the outsourcing of the intelligence community in spys for hire, it is indeed by conscious design
October 22, 2008 at 6:45 pm
Doug Brooks,
Thanks for dropping by, I appreciate hearing from you. However there are some assumptions that underly your arguments that I don’t think hold up to scrutiny:
That ”peace and stability operations” are actually about peace and stability. Most of these operations are resource grabs, or are backing selected “winners” to run “friendly” governments in order to facilitate resource grabs. There is a much better chance of them actually achieving some peace and stability if they are run by the UN or AU, Human Security Brief 2007.
That the private sector can support international peacekeeping efforts “faster-cheaper-better”. To believe this requires selective and faith based analysis of speed, cost, and results.
That “humanitarian operations” or “interventions” are performed for humanitarian reasons. The historical evidence shows they are performed more selectively, with quid pro quo in mind.
Additionally:
@7 – Malice and incompetence are not mutually exclusive, especially with the current US government. Of course much relevant information is classified
to cover up malice and incompetencefor “security” reasons. In the case of PMSCs the coverup may also be for “proprietary” or “contractual” reasons.@1 – Assuming the US is a peaceful society with a well established legal system, and I’ll accept that as a working premise, contractors are still largely unaccountable and routinely abusing authority within the US, see the recent revelations about listening to American’s phone calls, and sharing the salacious ones with friends and colleagues. Or see a number of reassignments or dismissals of auditors or inspectors such as Bunnatine Greenhouse. If laws are not enforced and not enforceable here, it doesn’t matter what laws, codes of conduct, recommendations, or non-binding agreements exist in conflict zones. Those laws or agreements are irrelevant.
I appreciate the IPOA work on accountability, but have serious doubts as to whether any PMSCs will be held to any accountability standards. The lack of transparency and accountability appears to be the reason for employing PMSCs. Even Theresa Whelan has said this.
@5 – Regarding supporting peacekeeping operations, the US has increased the amount it spends on PMSCs for international “peacekeeping” . It has drastically cut US financial support for UN peacekeeping. Combined, these moves facilitate picking US favorites in conflicts, and making resource grabs. They do not facilitate resolving conflicts or keeping the peace. In this case the US looks like it wants the UN efforts to fail, so it can control, “stabilize”, countries or regions for its own purposes.
Western interest in Africa, including US interest in Africa, is the same it has been for centuries, acquiring African resources. As always, as historically, it coats those efforts with words such as humanitarian, stabilize, peacekeeping, free trade, the 3 Cs – commerce, christianity, and civilization, the 3 Ds, defense, diplomacy and development, bringing Africa into the global community, and lots more. None of this has worked to the advantage of Africa. There is NO evidence, despite verbal claims to the contrary, that current interest is any different. PMSCs just enable governments to evade accountability.
The problem PMSCs pose for the US has been described, with references, by Frida Berrigan in Military Industrial Complex 2.0.
__________
@b real – I very much appreciate your comments and your links. (I’ve been in the middle of getting baby chicks started on becoming broilers for Christmas.) There is a long trail of evidence the US has been playing on more than one side in the Sudan. You cite some of the more recent examples. Also, I especially appreciated this quotation:
This is the same motivation that spawned Iran Contra, and the US engagement in the opium trade in SE and Central Asia. None of that did the US any good. Contractors and private entities, working for the government or for themselves can engage in activities and profit making operations that are not permitted under US law. They can then use profits to fund further illegal and destabilizing activities, as well as pocketing something for themselves. This says in more detail what Theresa Whelan, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for African Affairs, said: ”some times we may not what to be very visible”.
Whelan describes a:
Unfortunately, the use of contractors is bringing the US increased corruption at many levels, and reduced support for US troops in the field. I don’t see much evidence it is reversing the trend in Africa. Just seeing trainers and advisors performing military services for personal profit, instead of patriotic participation as members of the US military, sets a terrible example that becomes a significant part of the training.
October 25, 2008 at 2:38 pm
Xcroc,
Thanks for your comments. Gotta run in a moment but I did want to get some sort of response to you today.
Not sure if all peace and stability operations were ‘resource grabs’ (what resource was there to grab in Mozambique? Cashew nuts and lobsters?). But, if resources can drive international interest in a peace operation that saves hundreds of thousands or millions of lives – why not? And oil ain’t the only resource, what about hydro electric power in the DRC for example? A well educated population such as Zimbabwe (well, many of them have fled already . . .)?
I also agree with the fact that some peace and stability operations are more effective if run by the UN or AU – fantastic. I’ve been a big proponent of both organizations – the AU especially doesn’t get enough credit for what they have achieved in their peace operations. But both those organizations rely heavily on the private sector for everything from logistics to aviation to explosives disposal to medical services – and even security. The reality of doing peace operations with militaries from less developed countries is that even if they are well trained, they don’t have the transportation and engineering skills and equipment to do peace operations. As I’ve pointed out, every base in Darfur was built, run and supplied by contractors. Almost all the air transport was contractor. The mission couldn’t have been done any other way.
I agree that humanitarian operations/interventions are often motivated by other than humanitarian motives. So be it. Whatever the motivation, maybe it’s just important to stop the slaughter? It’s a first step to rebuilding ANY society.
The private sector is often required by their government clients not to reveal certain information – actually that’s quite normal, governments like to control their ‘message’. What’s the answer? Get the governments to change their policies. Some things need to be confidential to ensure healthy competition, but in fact governments do try to control far too much information. Changing those policies certainly works for me.
Much of your disagreements are with government policies and failure to provide effective oversight and accountability of the private sector – I agree on all those points. In fact, a good read on this is the report of the Gansler Commission (free download, you can find it on google). Also worth looking at the Montreux Document produced by the Swiss Initiative. Indeed, the better the oversight and accountability the more likely the better contractors (like IPOA members!) will be rewarded. This is something IPOA has long supported in our policy papers and Congressional testimony.
The United States has marginally cut funding for UN peacekeeping (as I recall, off the cuff, from 27% of every mission to 25%). The bigger issue has been paying of the agreed amount. Hopefully a new administration (and more Africa-friendly Congress!) will address the payment deficit. Honestly, there ain’t any U.S. government plot to control Africa. If there was, it’s a policy that’s been failing for at least sixty years.
I really don’t agree with your last point, “think of George W. Bush’s legacy to us as a Pentagon bloated almost beyond recognition and crippled by its dependence on private military corporations.” – but if you really believe in a plot to control African resources, wouldn’t crippling the Pentagon with contractors be a good thing?
In fact, peace operations wouldn’t happen without contractors, which is why it is so critical that we get their use, oversight and accountability mechanisms right.
Finally, even if AFRICOM were to live up to its full potential, I still doubt the United States would give any significant attention or interest to the continent. AFRICOM is a step in the right direction (though undercut by the very folks who should be supporting it!), but we have a long way to go. And I am truly an ‘Africa-optimist’ – maybe the last?
Again, sorry for the delay in my response.
Best,
doug